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Our Members 
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Download full issue (PDF) IntroductionDespite two ongoing wars and the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the 111th Congress convened in January to high expectations. An historic election appeared to give new momentum to a forward-looking agenda that sought to address the lingering problems of discrimination and inequality. Voters installed Democrat Barack Obama as the first African-American president and greatly expanded his party’s control in both houses of Congress. The 248 Democratic seats in the House and 58 Democratic seats in the Senate were the highest tallies for any president’s party since 1993. The civil rights coalition, which had spent the last eight years battling to protect hard-earned civil rights protections, sought to capitalize on the new dynamic in Washington and move several initiatives that had been bottled up in recent Congresses or blocked by the previous administration. The coalition’s rapid mobilization resulted in three signature legislative victories within the first 100 days. The Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act was the first bill to reach President Obama’s desk and be signed into law. The Act “fixed” a 2007 Supreme Court decision that severely limited the ability of pay discrimination victims to sue and recover damages. The president also signed into law an overdue expansion of the State Children’s Health Insurance Program, which ended longstanding discrimination against the children of immigrants; and a comprehensive economic recovery package that included assistance to low- and moderate-income people, who are disproportionately people of color and ethnic or language minorities. Another civil rights priority became law in October, when Congress passed, and President Obama signed, the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Protection Act, the first federal law to provide protection specifically to members of the LGBT community. Sadly, Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, one of the bill’s greatest champions, was gravely ill for most of the year and passed away in August before the final vote was cast. But as with so many laws that advanced the cause of civil rights throughout his 46 years in the Senate, passage of the hate crimes act will be remembered as part of Kennedy’s unparalleled legacy. The civil rights coalition also prevailed in the battle to confirm Judge Sonia Sotomayor as the first Hispanic justice on the U.S. Supreme Court, albeit by a troubling narrow margin. Despite Sotomayor’s obvious academic and legal qualifications and a solidly moderate record on the bench, 31 senators voted against her confirmation. Many of these same senators later sought unsuccessfully to block David Hamilton, another moderate judicial nominee, through use of the filibuster, a delaying tactic that requires the votes of 60 senators to overcome. So while the House, which requires a simple majority, passed bills on several policy fronts, including educational equality, Wall Street regulation, and consumer protection, time after time, debate in the Senate bogged down for lack of a “supermajority.” Indeed, the use or mere threat of a filibuster became the preferred tactic in the Senate for denying consideration of administration nominees supported by the civil rights community who would otherwise win easy confirmation if granted an up-or-down vote on the Senate floor. After a more than six-month delay, Thomas E. Perez was confirmed in October to be Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice. But another nominee, Dawn Johnsen, who cleared the Senate Judiciary Committee in March to head the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel, was still awaiting a confirmation vote at the end of December along with more than 25 executive and judiciary nominees. The need to win the votes of 60 senators to avoid a filibuster also played into the negotiations on several major pieces of legislation, including a significant overhaul of the nation’s health insurance system. Thus, a year that began with great promise and key early victories moved dangerously close to becoming tangled up in the kind of partisan bickering and political posturing that prevented previous Congresses from delivering on their promises to the American people. Congress still has time to complete work on such pressing matters as financial regulations to rein in Wall Street abuses and to consider a comprehensive solution to our nation’s broken and fundamentally unfair immigration system, but with the 2010 midterm elections approaching, that window is closing quickly. About The Leadership Conference The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights is the nation’s oldest, largest, and most diverse civil and human rights coalition. Founded in 1950, The Leadership Conference is currently made up of more than 200 organizations representing persons of color, women, children, labor unions, individuals with disabilities, older Americans, major religious groups, gays and lesbians, and civil liberties and human rights groups. The Leadership Conference works to effect meaningful legislation, policies, and executive branch appointments, and to ensure the proper enforcement of civil rights laws to unite us as a nation true to its promise of equal justice, equal opportunity, and mutual respect. Reading The Leadership Conference Voting Record Based on these votes, each member of Congress earns a percentage rating for support of The Leadership Conference priorities. This rating cannot indicate the full extent of a legislator’s support for or opposition to Leadership Conference positions and represents neither endorsement nor condemnation of any member of Congress. The Leadership Conference has taken a sample of bills considered during the first session of the 111th Congress. The Leadership Conference Voting Record was created with the bills in this sample. While it is difficult to predict the legislation that will be enacted at the end of the session, this sample of bills that have already been considered reflects how members of Congress have aligned with The Leadership Conference priority areas from the beginning of the 111th Congress through December 15, 2009. A vote in accordance with The Leadership Conference’s position is a “+” vote; a vote contrary to The Leadership Conference’s position is a “-” vote. A “+” or “-” in parentheses reflects the announced position of the member, but is not reflected in the overall “report total.” An “x” indicates a yea or nay vote was not cast. An “i” indicates the member of Congress was not in office for the full term. During the first session of the 111th Congress, Rep. Rahm Emanuel, D-IL, resigned in January 2009; Rep. Kristen Gillibrand, D-NY, resigned in January 2009; Rep. Hilda Solis, D-CA, resigned in February 2009; Rep. Scott Murphy, D-NY, won a special election in March 2009; Rep. Mike Quigley, D-IL, won a special election in April 2009; Rep. Ellen Tauscher, D-CA, resigned in June 2009; Rep. Judy Chu, D-CA, won a special election in July 2009; Rep. John McHugh, D-NY, resigned in September 2009; Rep. John Garamendi, D-CA, won a special election in November 2009; Rep. William Owens, D-NY, won a special election in November 2009; Sen. Ken Salazar; D-CO, resigned in January 2009; Sen. Michael Bennet, D-CO, won a special election in January 2009; Sen. Joe Biden, D-DE, resigned in January 2009; Sen. Ted Kaufman, D-DE, won a special election in January 2009; Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, D-NY, resigned in January; Sen. Kristen Gillibrand, D-NY, was appointed in January; Sen. Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania changed party affiliation from Republican to Democrat in April; Sen. Al Franken, D-MN, was seated in July after the resolution of a disputed election; Sen. Mel Martinez, RFL, resigned in August 2009; Sen. Edward Kennedy, DMA, died in August 2009; Sen. George Lemieux, R-FL, won a special election in September 2009; and Sen. Paul Kirk, D-MA, won a special election in September 2009. The votes of the District of Columbia (DC) delegate do not appear in The Leadership Conference Voting Record because although D.C. residents must pay federal taxes, they are not given voting representation in Congress. The Leadership Conference Voting Record for the 111th Congress reflects positions taken by every senator and representative on the legislative priorities of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights and its coalition members. The Leadership Conference can count on 217 House members and 50 senators to support its priorities on 90 percent or more of the votes in he Leadership Conference Voting Record. The Leadership Conference Voting Record reflects only roll call votes that were officially recorded on the floor of the U.S. Senate or House of Representatives. For more information, please contact The Leadership Conference’s Public Policy Department at 202.466.3311. |
