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The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights

The Nation's Premier Civil and Human Rights Coalition

The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights  & The Leadership Conference Education Fund
The Nation's Premier Civil and Human Rights Coalition

Executive Summary

Racial profiling—which occurs when law enforcement authorities target particular individuals based not on their behavior, but rather on the basis of personal characteristics, such as their race, ethnicity, national origin, or religion—is an unjust and ineffective method of law enforcement that makes us less, not more, safe and secure. The practice is nonetheless pervasive and used by law enforcement authorities at the federal, state, and local levels.

By way of example, a U.S. Congressman tells the Department of Homeland Security that Muslims should be profiled at airports. A county sheriff conducts a sweep of an Arizona Hispanic community that involves more than 100 deputies, a volunteer posse, and a helicopter. A prominent African-American professor charges he was a victim of racial profiling after he was arrested in his Massachusetts home.

In the months preceding September 11, 2001, a national consensus had developed on the need to end "racial profiling." The enactment of a comprehensive federal statute banning the practice seemed imminent. However, on 9/11, everything changed. In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks, the federal government focused massive investigatory resources on Arabs and Muslims, singling them out for questioning, detention, and other law enforcement activities. Many of these counterterrorism initiatives involved racial profiling.

In the 10 years since the terrorist attacks, the anti-racial profiling consensus that had developed prior to 9/11 evaporated and the use of racial profiling has expanded, not only in the counterterrorism context, but also in the context in which it originally arose—the fight against drug trafficking and other "street-level" crimes—as well as in the effort to enforce immigration laws.

Now is the time to re-establish a national anti-racial profiling consensus and take the steps necessary to end the practice in all contexts at the federal, state, and local levels. The purpose of this report is to assist in that effort.

In this report, we present quantitative and qualitative evidence to demonstrate the widespread use of racial profiling in each of the three contexts referenced above—i.e., street-level crime, counterterrorism, and immigration law enforcement. We also present evidence to show how racial profiling in the counterterrorism and immigration contexts is encouraged by misguided federal programs that incentivize law enforcement authorities to engage in the practice.

In the counterterrorism context, these problematic federal programs include the National Security Entry- Exit Registration System (which requires certain individuals from Muslim countries to register with the federal government, as well as to be fingerprinted, photographed, and interrogated) and Operation Front Line (which allows federal law enforcement authorities to target immigrants and foreign nationals for investigation in order to "detect, deter, and disrupt terrorist operations"). The federal government claims that these programs do not involve racial profiling, but the actions taken—from the singling out of Arabs and Muslims in the United States for questioning and detention to the selective application of immigration laws to nationals of Arab and Muslim countries—belie this claim.

In the immigration law enforcement context, the federal government has shifted significant responsibility for the enforcement of civil immigration laws to state and local law enforcement authorities through Agreements of Cooperation in Communities to Enhance Safety and Security (known as ICE ACCESS programs). The most notable of these programs is the 287(g) program, the stated purpose of which is to enable state and local law enforcement authorities to identify suspected undocumented immigrants “who pose a threat to public safety.” In point of fact, the 287(g) program has been widely misused by state and local law enforcement authorities to stop, detain, question, and otherwise treat as suspected undocumented immigrants vast numbers of persons—primarily Hispanics—most of whom are U.S. citizens or legal residents.

Although perhaps the most well-known, the 287(g) program is not the only ICE ACCESS program that raises concerns about racial profiling. Other such programs include the Criminal Alien Program (which involves an immigration screening process within federal, state, and local correctional facilities to identify undocumented immigrants "who pose a threat to public safety") and the Secure Communities program (which allows local law enforcement authorities to run fingerprint checks against Department of Homeland Security databases, not just FBI databases).

Federal inaction on comprehensive immigration reform has prompted a flurry of activity by state lawmakers seeking to fill the void left by Congress. The most sweeping and controversial of these state laws is Arizona's S.B. 1070, which is widely seen as encouraging racial profiling.

This report makes the case against racial profiling by showing that the assumptions underlying racial profiling—i.e., that certain crimes are more likely to be committed by members of a particular racial, ethnic, national origin, or religious group, and that members of that group are more likely than non-members to be involved in that type of criminal activity—are false. We also demonstrate the devastating impact that racial profiling has on individuals, families, and communities that are subject to the practice; and explain why racial profiling is in all contexts a flawed law enforcement method that diverts and misuses precious law enforcement resources and destroys the relationship between local law enforcement authorities and the people that they must rely on in carrying out their law enforcement activities.

The End Racial Profiling Act of 2010 (ERPA 2010) was introduced into the House of Representatives during the 111th Congress. The 111th Congress took no action on ERPA 2010, and it died with the adjournment of that Congress on December 22, 2010. However, ERPA 2010 warrants continued attention because it provides an appropriate model for an anti-racial profiling statute in the 112th Congress, addressed the major concerns about racial profiling expressed in this report, and would have gone a long way toward ending the practice.

Finally, we offer recommendations that are designed to end racial profiling. The key point of each of these recommendations—which are addressed to Congress, the president, Executive Branch agencies, and civil and human rights organizations—is summarized below:

Congress

  • The 112th Congress should enact an anti-racial profiling statute modeled on ERPA 2010.

The President

  • The president should urge the 112th Congress to enact an anti-racial profiling statute modeled on ERPA 2010, and make enactment of such a statute one of his administration’s highest legislative priorities.
  • Pending enactment by Congress of an anti-racial profiling statute, the president should issue an executive order that prohibits federal law enforcement authorities from engaging in racial profiling or sanctioning the use of the practice by state and local law enforcement authorities in connection with any federal program.

Executive Branch Agencies

  • The U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) should revise its June 2003 guidance on racial profiling to clarify ambiguities, close loopholes, and eliminate provisions that allow for any form of racial profiling.
  • The DOJ Office of Legal Counsel should issue an opinion stating that the federal government has exclusive jurisdiction to enforce federal immigration laws, and should rescind its 2002 “inherent authority” opinion, which takes a contrary position.
  • The DOJ Civil Rights Division should make the remediation of racial profiling a priority.
  • The U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) should terminate the 287(g) program.
  • DHS should suspend operation of the Criminal Alien Program, the Secure Communities Program, and other federal programs pursuant to which authority to engage in the enforcement of federal immigration laws has been delegated to state and local law enforcement authorities, until a panel of independent experts has reviewed the programs to ensure that they do not involve racial profiling.
  • DHS should terminate the National Security Entry- Exit Registration System.
  • Other federal counterterrorism programs, including Operation Front Line, should be reviewed by a panel of independent experts to ensure that they do not involve racial profiling.

Civil and Human Rights Organizations

  • Civil and human rights organizations should urge the 112th Congress to enact an anti-racial profiling statute modeled on ERPA 2010, and provide the American public with accurate information about racial profiling.

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